In my life I advocated many things, took many positions and endorsed a certain creed; I followed these beliefs throughout my life as honestly and faithfully as I believed any man ever could. Now I stand here looking back at the retrospective of my times, and have thus come to the belief that the world has asked my opinion of the current state of affairs, if not the world then God mayhaps, or whatever element of fate or destiny that brings me to this age to speak. I have not been in the habit of mysterious reserve on any subject, nor of buttoning up my opinions within my own doublet. On the contrary, while in public service especially, I thought the public entitled to frankness, and intimately to know whom they had once employed. But being from a different age I am retired, and was then before I left: I long ago resigned myself, as a passenger, with whatever confidence I may muster to those at present at the helm, and ask but for rest, peace and good will. Perhaps what is unfortunate most is that I am still here, to even speak out on these issues, not having a champion forthright to address them, to bring them to your attention instead.
The subject of this letter indeed, my dear friends, shall be upon the issue of equal representation. It is something I've held in my life and times to great esteem but I fear I never fully explored the concepts therein, my opinion unformed and unmolded by experience. Having time to live in this new & wondrous age I have so much to say of the good things of the world, but we speak today in candor and honesty. The truth is, there is something terribly wrong with this country, isn't there? We tried in my day and age to penetrate through to the mother principle, that "governments are republican only in proportion as they embody the will of their people, and execute it." I fear though, it was a central failure of the age of Democracy that we saw the people forget the principles of that era and vote themselves, by shares of halves, into tyranny. The chief difficulty of equal representation is the fact that each individual must truly come to learn the ideals that best represent them, so they may have a fair basis for determining who should represent them. It was my mistake to think the Enlightenment would come easier, not harder, as time passed. It was my grave misunderstanding.
Inequality of representation of ideas is what arises, unfortunately, from this ignorance. Many of the masses do not vote, nearly half. The ones that do, do not vote to represent their ideas best, but instead to represent their party interests and their political favoritisms. Even if this ignorance was imagined, the representatives who become candidates are not a choice of who makes a best voice for the people, instead a choice of who appears to make the least terrible candidate. Every decision I feel in this system is a choice of two evils, compromised for the greater good. I am told the internet is open to everyone, so I suppose it was a chief mistake to write so many letters upon it, but perhaps for the best, for I have something to say to all the people of this country: it is republican heresy to the trials of our revolutionary patriots at forming our Constitution, to have so completely forgotten the justifications hitherto, written in plain language that should be for all purposes, timeless.
A government is republican in proportion as every member composing it has his equal democratic voice in the direction of its concerns, (not indeed in person, which would be impracticable beyond the limits of a city, or small township, but) by representatives chosen by himself, and responsible to him at short periods. Let us agree, that such a system is impracticable if the people know not the concerns of a proper government, the facets of a proper representative, persuaded instead by the passions of short term political gains reverent only to the values of the old monarchy. We see it so perverted, in the modern media especially, that so many men who could be scholars, so many men who could be inspired, with so many tools to change the world, get bored and placated by common convenience, made frustrated and insecure by contemporary society. It creates a vacancy in the seat of good government and invites tyranny, a world where men would suffer evils should they be sufferable, sooner than stand up to make the changes they need to make.
But it will be said, it is easier to find faults than to amend them, this rules true of both the government and the people, where all things being equal one is a reflection upon the other. I do not think their amendment so difficult as is pretended, so hard to invoke change that it is not worth the effort even today no matter how bleak, but education first is required that the people understand the nature of their republican government. They must understand with each change they make they must only lay down true principles, and that they must adhere to them inflexibly. Do not let them be frightened into their surrender by the alarms of the timid, or the croakings of wealth against the ascendency of the people. If experience be called for, appeal to that of our fourty or fifty governments for two hundred years, and show me where the people have done half the mischief in these two hundred years, that a single despot would have done in a single year; or show half the riots and rebellions, the crimes and the punishments, which have taken place in any single nation, under kingly government, during the same period. The true foundation of republican government is the equal right of every citizen, in his person and property, and in their management. If the people do not know this we cannot expect that their representatives will either.
I have thrown out these as loose heads of amendment, for consideration and correction; and their object is to secure self-government by the republicanism of our Constitution, as well as by the spirit of the people; and to nourish and perpetuate that spirit that is now as I see it, half-starved and dying. I am not among those who fear the people, however I regret to say I am amongst those who doubt the people. They, and not the rich, are our dependence for continued freedom, and seeing what I see today I do not see our continued freedom lasting much longer. We must make our elections between economy and liberty, or profusion and servitude, and certainly never vote in profusion and servitude for the promise of economy or liberty for they are mutually excluding, opposites that may never co-exist. We run up debts today, national debts like the kinds never seen before, causing us to be taxed in everything we do. Taxed in meat and drink, taxed in life and death, taxed in marriage and divorce, taxed in plenty and poverty. Already we labor 2 out of every 5 hours for the government's sake, and that 3/5ths not being enough to do much else but feed ourselves and soon we will no doubt have even less till we run on merely one sixteenth and can barely afford oatmeal and potatoes; running about we have no time to think in this busy place, no means of calling the mismanagers to account; but we are certainly glad to obtain subsistence by hiring ourselves to rivet the chains on the necks of our fellow-sufferers, in a quiet complacency, either in the name of security or sustenance.
So we reach our salutary lesson, that in a republican government of equal representation the people get what they ask for, if it is tyranny they ask for then they invite it upon themselves, sacrificing their private fortunes to supply the public "good", quicker than any private extravagance could have destroyed them. What we give up for this peace of mind is an inch, and an inch is too much to give. A departure from principle in any instance becomes a precedent for a second; that second for a third; and so on, till the bulk of the society is reduced to be mere automatons of misery, and to have no sensibilities left but for sinning and suffering. Then begins, indeed, the bellum omnium in omnia, which some philosophers observing to be so general in this world, have mistaken it for the natural, instead of the abusive state of man. And the fore horse of this frightful team is public debt, which surmounts in this nation in the sum of trillions. Taxation follows that, and in its train wretchedness and oppression... a state asked for, begged for, by the man who used his equal voice to vote for this engine of destruction. I can only hope that with a little determination and patience that we shall see the reign of witches pass over, their spells dissolve, and the people, recovering their true sight, restore their government to its true principles... before we go too far and may not return, save the bloodiest of revolutions, which may someday be its own necessity. It is true that in the mean time we are suffering deeply in spirit, and incurring the horrors of a war and long oppressions of enormous public debt... if the game runs sometimes against us at home we must have patience til luck turns and then we shall have an opportunity of winning back the principles we have lost, for this is a game where principles are the stake.
Some men look at constitutions with sanctimonious reverence, and deem them like the arc of the covenant, too sacred to be touched. They ascribe to the men of the preceding age a wisdom more than human, and suppose what they did to be beyond amendment. I knew that age well; I belonged to it, and labored with it. It deserved well of its country. It was very like the present, but without the experience of the present; and two hundred years of experience in government is worth a millennia of book-reading; and this they would say themselves, were they to rise from the dead. I am certainly not an advocate for frequent and untried changes in laws and constitutions. I think moderate imperfections had better be borne with; because, when once known, we accommodate ourselves to them, and find practical means of correcting their ill effects. But I know also, that laws and institutions must go hand in hand with the progress of the human mind, and that progress has all but stopped, with no hope of becoming more developed, more enlightened. I fear that as new discoveries are made, new truths disclosed, and manners and opinions change with the change of circumstances, that the institutions have failed to advance in kind to keep pace with the times, or that the institution instead, a reflection on the awful times that have befallen us. I would not require a man to wear still the coat which fitted him when a boy, nor would I a civilized society to remain ever under the regimen of their barbarous ancestors. I am not saying that this country needs more men like me, for I am a relic of an older age, and by all rights should be dead, I watch now merely as a specter. The country, dear friends and companions, needs more men like you, and it needs you to understand - and spread the understanding - the nature of our equal rights, our equal representations. The importance of understanding the core values our country was built upon, for it is the only known philosophy I can say is worth expounding over the ages, and that we may reach an equal and fair consensus about what this means for each of us, and soon before another bloody revolution is necessary.
These are my opinions of the governments we see among men today, and of the principles by which alone we should have prevented our own from falling into the same dreadful track we once did. I perhaps took up too much a length to discuss this alone, but I cannot say things by halves; and I confide them to your honor. If you shall approve and enforce them, and take these thoughts to you into practical application, they may do some good. If not, keep them to yourself as the effusions of withered age and useless time.
I shall, with not the less truth, assure you of my great respect and consideration.
- TH. Jefferson
This entry is a modern take on Jefferson's ideas for reform of the Virginia constitution, as he detailed in a letter to Samuel Kercheval on July 12th, 1816. It involves a few other references, but it borrows most heavily from that letter. An odd twist comes in, actually, because of a little literary work called V For Vendetta, which also plays as a dual inspiration for this article, although I will leave those who have read the work to discover how I have decided to integrate those ideas into this entry.
A quote worth noting, that I included in whole:
"A little patience, and we shall see the reign of witches pass over, their spells dissolve, and the people, recovering their true sight, restore their government to its true principles. It is true that in the meantime we are suffering deeply in spirit, and incurring the horrors of a war and long oppressions of enormous public debt... If the game runs sometimes against us at home we must have patience till luck turns, and then we shall have an opportunity of winning back the principles we have lost, for this is a game where principles are at stake." - Thomas Jefferson, 1798 regarding the then-recently passed Alien and Sedition Acts
Here is a reprint of the letter I based this on, although I actually disagree with Jefferson at some points about the nature of equal representation, but hey, he himself says that he would rather leave these kinds of decisions to people like me (and you, actually) to discuss. We're the future, he's the past, after all. I just hope when I'm the past, we have a better future.
-- I duly received your favor of June the 13th, with the copy of the letters on the calling a convention, on which you are pleased to ask my opinion. I have not been in the habit of mysterious reserve on any subject, nor of buttoning up my opinions within my own doublet. On the contrary, while in public service especially, I thought the public entitled to frankness, and intimately to know whom they employed. But I am now retired: I resign myself, as a passenger, with confidence to those at present at the helm, and ask but for rest, peace and good will. The question you propose, on equal representation, has become a party one, in which I wish to take no public share. Yet, if it be asked for your own satisfaction only, and not to be quoted before the public, I have no motive to withhold it, and the less from you, as it coincides with your own. At the birth of our republic, I committed that opinion to the world, in the draught of a constitution annexed to the "Notes on Virginia," in which a provision was inserted for a representation permanently equal. The infancy of the subject at that moment, and our inexperience of self-government, occasioned gross departures in that draught from genuine republican canons. In truth, the abuses of monarchy had so much filled all the space of political contemplation, that we imagined everything republican which was not monarchy. We had not yet penetrated to the mother principle, that "governments are republican only in proportion as they embody the will of their people, and execute it." Hence, our first constitutions had really no leading principles in them. But experience and reflection have but more and more confirmed me in the particular importance of the equal representation then proposed. On that point, then, I am entirely in sentiment with your letters; and only lament that a copy-right of your pamphlet prevents their appearance in the newspapers, where alone they would be generally read, and produce general effect. The present vacancy too, of other matter, would give them place in every paper, and bring the question home to every man's conscience.
But inequality of representation in both Houses of our legislature, is not the only republican heresy in this first essay of our revolutionary patriots at forming a constitution. For let it be agreed that a government is republican in proportion as every member composing it has his equal voice in the direction of its concerns (not indeed in person, which would be impracticable beyond the limits of a city, or small township, but) by representatives chosen by himself, and responsible to him at short periods, and let us bring to the test of this canon every branch of our constitution.
In the legislature, the House of Representatives is chosen by less than half the people, and not at all in proportion to those who do choose. The Senate are still more disproportionate, and for long terms of irresponsibility. In the Executive, the Governor is entirely independent of the choice of the people, and of their control; his Council equally so, and at best but a fifth wheel to a wagon. In the Judiciary, the judges of the highest courts are dependent on none but themselves. In England, where judges were named and removable at the will of an hereditary executive, from which branch most misrule was feared, and has flowed, it was a great point gained, by fixing them for life, to make them independent of that executive. But in a government founded on the public will, this principle operates in an opposite direction, and against that will. There, too, they were still removable on a concurrence of the executive and legislative branches. But we have made them independent of the nation itself. They are irremovable, but by their own body, for any depravities of conduct, and even by their own body for the imbecilities of dotage. The justices of the inferior courts are self-chosen, are for life, and perpetuate their own body in succession forever, so that a faction once possessing themselves of the bench of a county, can never be broken up, but hold their county in chains, forever indissoluble. Yet these justices are the real executive as well as judiciary, in all our minor and most ordinary concerns. They tax us at will; fill the office of sheriff, the most important of all the executive officers of the county; name nearly all our military leaders, which leaders, once named, are removable but by themselves. The juries, our judges of all fact, and of law when they choose it, are not selected by the people, nor amenable to them. They are chosen by an officer named by the court and executive. Chosen, did I say? Picked up by the sheriff from the loungings of the court yard, after everything respectable has retired from it. Where then is our republicanism to be found? Not in our constitution certainly, but merely in the spirit of our people. That would oblige even a despot to govern us republicanly. Owing to this spirit, and to nothing in the form of our constitution, all things have gone well. But this fact, so triumphantly misquoted by the enemies of reformation, is not the fruit of our constitution, but has prevailed in spite of it. Our functionaries have done well, because generally honest men. If any were not so, they feared to show it.
But it will be said, it is easier to find faults than to amend them. I do not think their amendment so difficult as is pretended. Only lay down true principles, and adhere to them inflexibly. Do not be frightened into their surrender by the alarms of the timid, or the croakings of wealth against the ascendency of the people. If experience be called for, appeal to that of our fifteen or twenty governments for forty years, and show me where the people have done half the mischief in these forty years, that a single despot would have done in a single year; or show half the riots and rebellions, the crimes and the punishments, which have taken place in any single nation, under kingly government, during the same period. The true foundation of republican government is the equal right of every citizen, in his person and property, and in their management. Try by this, as a tally, every provision of our constitution, and see if it hangs directly on the will of the people. Reduce your legislature to a convenient number for full, but orderly discussion. Let every man who fights or pays, exercise his just and equal right in their election. Submit them to approbation or rejection at short intervals. Let the executive be chosen in the same way, and for the same term, by those whose agent he is to be; and leave no screen of a council behind which to skulk from responsibility. It has been thought that the people are not competent electors of judges learned in the law. But I do not know that this is true, and, if doubtful, we should follow principle. In this, as in many other elections, they would be guided by reputation, which would not err oftener, perhaps, than the present mode of appointment. In one State of the Union, at least, it has long been tried, and with the most satisfactory success. The judges of Connecticut have been chosen by the people every six months, for nearly two centuries, and I believe there has hardly ever been an instance of change; so powerful is the curb of incessant responsibility. If prejudice, however, derived from a monarchical institution, is still to prevail against the vital elective principle of our own, and if the existing example among ourselves of periodical election of judges by the people be still mistrusted, let us at least not adopt the evil, and reject the good, of the English precedent; let us retain amovability on the concurrence of the executive and legislative branches, and nomination by the executive alone. Nomination to office is an executive function. To give it to the legislature, as we do, is a violation of the principle of the separation of powers. It swerves the members from correctness, by temptations to intrigue for office themselves, and to a corrupt barter of votes; and destroys responsibility by dividing it among a multitude. By leaving nomination in its proper place, among executive functions, the principle of the distribution of power is preserved, and responsibility weighs with its heaviest force on a single head.
The organization of our county administrations may be thought more difficult. But follow principle, and the knot unties itself. Divide the counties into wards of such size as that every citizen can attend, when called on, and act in person. Ascribe to them the government of their wards in all things relating to themselves exclusively. A justice, chosen by themselves, in each, a constable, a military company, a patrol, a school, the care of their own poor, their own portion of the public roads, the choice of one or more jurors to serve in some court, and the delivery, within their own wards, of their own votes for all elective officers of higher sphere, will relieve the county administration of nearly all its business, will have it better done, and by making every citizen an acting member of the government, and in the offices nearest and most interesting to him, will attach him by his strongest feelings to the independence of his country, and its republican constitution. The justices thus chosen by every ward, would constitute the county court, would do its judiciary business, direct roads and bridges, levy county and poor rates, and administer all the matters of common interest to the whole country. These wards, called townships in New England, are the vital principle of their governments, and have proved themselves the wisest invention ever devised by the wit of man for the perfect exercise of self-government, and for its preservation. We should thus marshal our government into, 1, the general federal republic, for all concerns foreign and federal; 2, that of the State, for what relates to our own citizens exclusively; 3, the county republics, for the duties and concerns of the county; and 4, the ward republics, for the small, and yet numerous and interesting concerns of the neighborhood; and in government, as well as in every other business of life, it is by division and subdivision of duties alone, that all matters, great and small, can be managed to perfection. And the whole is cemented by giving to every citizen, personally, a part in the administration of the public affairs.
The sum of these amendments is,
Equal representation in the legislature.
An executive chosen by the people.
Judges elective or amovable.
Justices, jurors, and sheriffs elective.
Ward divisions. And
Periodical amendments of the constitution.
I have thrown out these as loose heads of amendment, for consideration and correction; and their object is to secure self-government by the republicanism of our constitution, as well as by the spirit of the people; and to nourish and perpetuate that spirit. I am not among those who fear the people. They, and not the rich, are our dependence for continued freedom. And to preserve their independence, we must not let our rulers load us with perpetual debt. We must make our election between economy and liberty, or profusion and servitude. If we run into such debts, as that we must be taxed in our meat and in our drink, in our necessaries and our comforts, in our labors and our amusements, for our callings and our creeds, as the people of England are, our people, like them, must come to labor sixteen hours in the twenty-four, give the earnings of fifteen of these to the government for their debts and daily expenses; and the sixteenth being insufficient to afford us bread, we must live, as they now do, on oatmeal and potatoes; have no time to think, no means of calling the mismanagers to account; but be glad to obtain subsistence by hiring ourselves to rivet their chains on the necks of our fellow-sufferers. Our landholders, too, like theirs, retaining indeed the title and stewardship of estates called theirs, but held really in trust for the treasury, must wander, like theirs, in foreign countries, and be contented with penury, obscurity, exile, and the glory of the nation. This example reads to us the salutary lesson, that private fortunes are destroyed by public as well as by private extravagance. And this is the tendency of all human governments. A departure from principle in one instance becomes a precedent for a second; that second for a third; and so on, till the bulk of the society is reduced to be mere automatons of misery, and to have no sensibilities left but for sinning and suffering. Then begins, indeed, the bellum omnium in omnia, which some philosophers observing to be so general in this world, have mistaken it for the natural, instead of the abusive state of man. And the fore horse of this frightful team is public debt. Taxation follows that, and in its train wretchedness and oppression.
Some men look at constitutions with sanctimonious reverence, and deem them like the arc of the covenant, too sacred to be touched. They ascribe to the men of the preceding age a wisdom more than human, and suppose what they did to be beyond amendment. I knew that age well; I belonged to it, and labored with it. It deserved well of its country. It was very like the present, but without the experience of the present; and forty years of experience in government is worth a century of book-reading; and this they would say themselves, were they to rise from the dead. I am certainly not an advocate for frequent and untried changes in laws and constitutions. I think moderate imperfections had better be borne with; because, when once known, we accommodate ourselves to them, and find practical means of correcting their ill effects. But I know also, that laws and institutions must go hand in hand with the progress of the human mind. As that becomes more developed, more enlightened, as new discoveries are made, new truths disclosed, and manners and opinions change with the change of circumstances, institutions must advance also, and keep pace with the times. We might as well require a man to wear still the coat which fitted him when a boy, as civilized society to remain ever under the regimen of their barbarous ancestors. It is this preposterous idea which has lately deluged Europe in blood. Their monarchs, instead of wisely yielding to the gradual change of circumstances, of favoring progressive accommodation to progressive improvement, have clung to old abuses, entrenched themselves behind steady habits, and obliged their subjects to seek through blood and violence rash and ruinous innovations, which, had they been referred to the peaceful deliberations and collected wisdom of the nation, would have been put into acceptable and salutary forms. Let us follow no such examples, nor weakly believe that one generation is not as capable as another of taking care of itself, and of ordering its own affairs. Let us, as our sister States have done, avail ourselves of our reason and experience, to correct the crude essays of our first and unexperienced, although wise, virtuous, and well-meaning councils. And lastly, let us provide in our constitution for its revision at stated periods. What these periods should be, nature herself indicates. By the European tables of mortality, of the adults living at any one moment of time, a majority will be dead in about nineteen years. At the end of that period, then, a new majority is come into place; or, in other words, a new generation. Each generation is as independent as the one preceding, as that was of all which had gone before. It has then, like them, a right to choose for itself the form of government it believes most promotive of its own happiness; consequently, to accommodate to the circumstances in which it finds itself, that received from its predecessors; and it is for the peace and good of mankind, that a solemn opportunity of doing this every nineteen or twenty years, should be provided by the constitution; so that it may be handed on, with periodical repairs, from generation to generation, to the end of time, if anything human can so long endure. It is now forty years since the constitution of Virginia was formed. The same tables inform us, that, within that period, two-thirds of the adults then living are now dead. Have then the remaining third, even if they had the wish, the right to hold in obedience to their will, and to laws heretofore made by them, the other two-thirds, who, with themselves, compose the present mass of adults? If they have not, who has? The dead? But the dead have no rights. They are nothing; and nothing cannot own something. Where there is no substance, there can be no accident. This corporeal globe, and everything upon it, belong to its present corporeal inhabitants, during their generation. They alone have a right to direct what is the concern of themselves alone, and to declare the law of that direction; and this declaration can only be made by their majority. That majority, then, has a right to depute representatives to a convention, and to make the constitution what they think will be the best for themselves. But how collect their voice? This is the real difficulty. If invited by private authority, or county or district meetings, these divisions are so large that few will attend; and their voice will be imperfectly, or falsely pronounced. Here, then, would be one of the advantages of the ward divisions I have proposed. The mayor of every ward, on a question like the present, would call his ward together, take the simple yea or nay of its members, convey these to the county court, who would hand on those of all its wards to the proper general authority; and the voice of the whole people would be thus fairly, fully, and peaceably expressed, discussed, and decided by the common reason of the society. If this avenue be shut to the call of sufferance, it will make itself heard through that of force, and we shall go on, as other nations are doing, in the endless circle of oppression, rebellion, reformation; and oppression, rebellion, reformation, again; and so on forever.
These, Sir, are my opinions of the governments we see among men, and of the principles by which alone we may prevent our own from falling into the same dreadful track. I have given them at greater length than your letter called for. But I cannot say things by halves; and I confide them to your honor, so to use them as to preserve me from the gridiron of the public papers. If you shall approve and enforce them, as you have done that of equal representation, they may do some good. If not, keep them to yourself as the effusions of withered age and useless time.
I shall, with not the less truth, assure you of my great respect and consideration.
- TH. Jefferson